DOJ Hires Convicted Hacker To Guard Elections

Department of Justice seal on American flag background
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Senator Peter Welch says the Justice Department put a lawyer once convicted for breaching election websites on an election-monitoring team, and he wants answers now.

Story Snapshot

  • Welch pressed the Civil Rights Division chief for details on the hiring and vetting.
  • Reports identify the lawyer as David Michael Levin, convicted in 2016 after accessing Florida election sites.
  • Photos and video from Minnesota’s primary appear to show Levin with a senior department attorney.
  • Questions center on trust, judgment, and how federal monitors are picked for polling places.

What sparked the outcry

U.S. Senator Peter Welch sent a formal letter to Assistant Attorney General Harmeet Dhillon, who leads the Civil Rights Division. He cited credible reports that the department hired David Michael Levin, a Florida lawyer who pleaded guilty in 2016 to accessing restricted parts of state and county election sites, for election-monitoring work. The letter points to images from the Minnesota primary that appear to show Levin alongside William Mohrman, a senior counsel in the division. Welch wants the timeline, the job role, and the vetting steps.

CNN reported that the administration dispatched Levin to monitor primaries in Arizona and Minnesota. The outlet said Levin pleaded guilty to two misdemeanors in 2016, served 20 days in jail, and has called the episode a stunt to expose cyber flaws. He declined to discuss any current department work or Election Day plans. These details set up the core friction: hiring someone with a record tied to election systems to guard the process itself.

Why this hire hits a nerve

Election monitoring only works if voters believe the monitors are neutral and competent. Research on election observation shows that perceived bias can warp public trust and even the behavior inside polling places. Weak or skewed monitoring can validate bad practices and spark more conflict, not less. The federal observer program’s rules and limits are real, but the credibility of who stands at the door often matters more than the badge they wear. That is the heart of Welch’s demand.

Congressman Raja Krishnamoorthi posed similar questions to the department in August. He said reports indicated Levin appears to have joined the Civil Rights Division and took part in monitoring Minnesota’s August primary. He asked whether the department actually employs Levin, in what capacity, and how he came to join a federal operation at a polling place. That overlap in concerns broadens the pressure on the department to detail its screening and chain of command.

The vetting test and the conservative lens

Common sense says public safety roles should reject even the appearance of a conflict. Conservative values stress accountability, order, and clean processes. Putting a person with a recent, relevant conviction into an election-monitoring slot invites doubt that drowns out any expertise he might bring. If the department hired Levin for his technical know-how, leaders should explain the risk tradeoff and the controls. Silence leaves the worst story to fill the gap.

Supporters might argue that a reformed offender can help spot weak points. That case requires guardrails: clear duties, close supervision, and no access to sensitive systems. It also requires public disclosure that addresses fair questions. Welch’s request focuses on those basics: who approved the hire, what checks were run, what limits were set, and how the team ensured neutrality at the polls. Those answers would either calm the fire or confirm a lapse in judgment.

What matters before November

Voters need to know the people checking polling places are there to protect their rights, not to rerun old fights. The department can fix this by publishing its monitor standards, disclosing roles that touch election technology, and clarifying when contractors or temporary attorneys are used. The legal framework for federal observers exists, but the practice lives or dies on trust built at the curb outside the precinct doors. That is where this controversy lives right now.

Welch’s letter sets a deadline and a tone. He is not trying to relitigate the 2016 case; the record is what it is. He is trying to prevent a self-inflicted wound to confidence in a charged season. If the department vetted well, it should show the work. If it did not, it should fix it fast and name the fix. Either way, voters deserve monitors whose records leave no doubt about why they are there.

Sources:

mediaite.com, welch.senate.gov, cnn.com, commondreams.org, ladd.law.wisc.edu